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Monday June 3rd, 2024

Sri Lanka tables controversial draft monetary law with multiple anchors

PROVISIONAL ADVANCES: Provisional advances which were expected to be halted in the new law is still there, with interest. Provisional advances

ECONOMYNEXT – Sri Lanka has tabled in parliament, a controversial draft monetary law giving discretion for economic officials to pursue an exchange rate policy, monetary policy and growth policy as an inflation target.

The move comes as Sri Lanka, and several other countries which have attempted to generate levels of inflation as high as 5 percent or 8 percent (a domestic anchor) without having a clean float and operating a foreign reserve collecting peg (external anchor), have ended in sovereign default after currency crises.

The draft monetary law will legalize a discretionary ‘flexible’ inflation targeting regime, which has been operating since around 2015, and led to currency crises in 2015/16, 2018 amid aggressive open market operations and output shocks (lower growth) when stabilization policies were applied.

In 2019 December, after several years of low growth under flexible inflation targeting cum output gap targeting, Sri Lanka cut taxes and printed even more money and with economic bureaucrats justifying stimulus saying there was a ‘persistent output gap’.

Sri Lanka’s central bank was given technical assistance to calculate ‘an output gap’ in the run-up to the external sovereign default by the International Monetary Fund itself.

The new draft law seems to be regressing to an older monetary law done with US advice in 1950 by bringing back conflicting provisions which were removed by then Governor A S Jayewardene and bringing even more independence and discretion to the central bank.

Exchange Rate Discretion

An example of discretion is the current appreciation of the rupee, for which credit goes to the Central Bank Governor Nandalal Weerasinghe. Currencies are destroyed or stabilized by the note issuing authority, nobody else.

President Wickremesinghe also deserves a lot of credit for reducing credit demand from both energy utilities and the budget by hiking value added taxes and more importantly, keeping spending in check, which tends to reduce the interest rate required to stabilize the currency, and transfer less private savings to the state sector.

President Wickremesinghe, like a central bank governor, inadvertently also pushed up interest rates, helping reduce credit, by saying there is a likelihood of domestic debt re-structuring.

Sri Lanka’s rupee is now appreciating, amid high rates and negative private credit, after the biggest output shock suffered since the central bank was set up in 1950.

There is already absolute central bank discretion or independence, for bureaucrats to decide where to stop the appreciation of the currency after private credit is negative.

A central bank with a clean floating regime, genuinely has no direct control over the exchange rate (no exchange rate policy) and the strength or weakness of the exchange rate is determined purely by monetary policy.

High Inflation Target

In a clean float, the extent of bureaucratic discretion over monetary policy is determined by an inflation target or anchor set by the parliament, usually plus 2 percent.

An inflation target does not give central bank independence, but puts it under a rule of law.

The concept of central bank independence emerged in part due to certain events in the US in 1951 which led to the Treasury Fed Accord, and the automatic presumption that politicians – with or without Treasury officials – rather than central bankers are the output gap targeters.

A plus two percent inflation rate however is also cumulative (bygones are bygones), even in a clean float, where forex shortages are impossible.

In practice, positive inflation targeting has led to mal-investments, housing bubbles and banking crises in both the Fed and ECB areas in 2008/9, ending two decades of ‘Great Moderation’ and financial stability that started in 1980 under Fed Chief Paul Volcker.

In third world countries with chronic monetary instability, the positive inflation target is far higher than 2 percent.

Sri Lanka was targeting an inflation number as much as 5 percent (4-6 percent), without any specific parliamentary or legal sanction (but there were no strong objections given its past history of even higher inflation) when the country ran into currency crises in 2012, 2015/16, in 2018 and eventually defaulted in the worst currency collapse in its central bank history in 2020-2022.

Ghana which also defaulted is targeting 8 percent inflation. Since adopting flexible inflation targeting with a flexible exchange rate in 2007, its currency has collapsed from 9,200 to the US dollar to 126,000 so far.

Read Ghana’s Monetary Policy Framework which bears a striking resemblance what was operated in Sri Lanka triggering external crises

When open market operations pressure an ad hoc currency peg (flexible exchange rate), the International Monetary Fund advises third world countries without a doctrinal foundation in sound money to depreciate the currency, rather than correct mist-targeted policy rates, under so-called ‘exchange rate as the first line of defence’ policy.

Pakistan’s central bank which also ran out of reserves, within an IMF program, and is very near default, is also targeting 5-7 percent inflation despite having a reserve collecting central bank.

Conflicting External and Domestic Anchors

According to Section 06 (1) of the draft Sri Lanka law, inflation targeting will be the main object of the central bank.

6. (1) The primary object of the Central Bank shall be to achieve and maintain domestic price stability.

(2) The other object of the Central Bank shall be to secure the financial system stability.

But under powers and duties the central bank under the new law has been given an explicit duty to target the exchange rate while also conducting monetary policy.

According to Section 07 of the draft monetary law, Sri Lanka’s the ‘powers duties and functions’ of the central bank shall be to –

(a) determine and implement monetary policy;

(b) determine and implement the exchange rate policy;

It is not clear whether the parliament will have powers to compel the agency to disclose what its exchange rate policy target is or whether the central bank will operate an ad hoc, non-transparent purely discretionary policy such as ‘curbing excessive volatility’ based on no pre-defined criteria to which officials can be held accountable.

Sri Lanka for a time has attempted to use the Real Effective Exchange Rate Index to target the exchange.

Based on statements of officials the REER appeared to have been used in the 1980s when the country experienced high levels of inflation, budgets became unmanageable and strikes and social unrest were rife, as well as more recently.

In the 1980s, the conflicting domestic anchor with exchange rate policy, was not an inflation target, but a money supply target (monetary targeting) which was fashionable in the West then, as inflation targeting is fashionable now.

But countries like the UK, which targeted money supply with some degree of success in the 1980s to end the Great Inflation of the 1970s, had a floating exchange regime (no exchange rate policy) as genuine inflation targeting countries do now.

The UK in the late 1980s shifted back to exchange rate policy without a floating interest rate under ‘shadowing the Deutsche Mark and ERM. The ERM later collapsed, like the Bretton Woods, as predicted by Margaret Thatcher’s advisor Alan Walters.

Successful exchange rate targeting countries in East Asia and the Middle East like Dubai, have no independent monetary policy (a policy rate) or have severely restricted open market operations (ability to print money) to mis-target the interest rate structure through fixed policy rates.

The Ghana Clause

The draft central bank law has also left room to support government policy.

“Without prejudice to the attainment of its objects and subject to the provisions of this Act, the Central Bank shall support the general economic policy framework of the Government as provided for in any law,” the subsection says.

How this will pan out given a history of some Treasury secretaries pressuring the central bank to keep rates down, when it’s own officials did not believe in output gap targeting, unlike now, is not clear.

Under this provision, even without the Treasury secretary sitting in the monetary board, other economic officials who believe in stimulus or output targeting may be able to influence the central bank to print money.

Ghana’s central bank, which triggered a default, recently also has a duty “to support the general economic policy of the Government”.

Nominal Income Targeting?

The central bank law has also left room for stimulus based on an econometric ‘output gap’.

According to Section 6 (4) “In pursuing the primary object referred to in subsection (1), the Central Bank shall take into account, inter alia, the stabilization of output towards its potential level.”

Targeting output or GDP growth is also known as Nominal Income Targeting.

None of these provisions were contained in the earlier law, which was mis-used for stimulus.

It was output gap targeting that led to both tax cuts in 2019 December and the large-scale money printing or quantitative easing from 2020 despite having an exchange rate policy.

Under the existing law, revised by then central bank Governor A S Jayewardene, as a precursor to inflation targeting, the duty of the central bank is to provide stability for growth, not to target growth itself.

According to Section 05 of the existing law, “..the Central Bank is hereby charged with the duty of securing, so far as possible by action authorised by this Act, the following objectives, namely–

(a) economic and price stability; and

(b) financial system stability,

with a view to encouraging and promoting the development of the productive resources of Sri Lanka.”

This is why classical style economists said output gap targeting, which led to currency crises and eventual default, was not a legitimate mandate of the existing law.

Related Sri Lanka has a corrupted inflation targeting, output gap targeting not in line with monetary law: Wijewardena

About 20 years ago, to remove conflicts with exchange rate policy or output gap targeting, Governor Jayewardene dropped several objectives in the original law.
From the late 60s in particular, it became evident that central banks that tried to push growth or employment, get countries into trouble.
The original objectives were:

a) the stabilisation of domestic monetary values ;

(b) the preservation of the par value of the Ceylon rupee and the free use of the rupee for current international transactions ;

(c) the promotion and maintenance of a high level of production, employment, and real income in Ceylon ; and

(d) the encouragement and promotion of the full development of the productive resources of Ceylon.

In the original law the preservation of the par value of the rupee (expressed in terms of gold) was expected to be the final barrier on money printing.

In practice however, politicians were misled by monetary bureaucrats to enact increasingly draconian exchange controls and also import controls, instead of printing money to mis-target rates, violating the ‘free use of the rupee for current transactions’ objective.

Economists in the country have managed to persuade politicians to pass these laws without much problem in the past.

This time also the law may be passed as exchange control laws, and import controls laws were passed instead of curbing the independence of the central bank to mis-target rate.

What can be done?

The central bank can be subject to a strict rule based policy and remove its discretion or independence to pursue multiple, opaque and conflicting objectives and duties, by either compelling it to pursue only an exchange rate policy or low inflation target of 2 percent or below without any exchange rate policy.

This is a government department or a state owned enterprise that has a history of creating inflation, currency depreciation, and very high interest rates to correct the previously low rates and restore credibility in the exchange rate.

The central bank will continue to conduct Treasury bill auctions under the new law until a separate debt management agency is set up.

It will also give provisional advances to the Treasury. Amusingly it will charge interest now.

In the past, the central bank has printed money to suppress rates and trigger currency crises through several tactics.

a) Rejecting outright, the bids for Treasury auctions, especially for maturing bills, and printing money to repay them which are then blamed on budget deficits

b) Purchasing Treasury bills and bonds outright to print money deep along the yield curve to inject money

c) Injecting large volumes of money through overnight term or outright purchases to target a policy rate in the middle of the corridor to trigger forex shortages.

d) Engaging in operation twist (buying long bonds and selling short ones) altering the rupee reserves of each bank to suppress market rates and encourage some banks to give credit without deposits.

e) And finally, sterilizing interventions after operating an exchange rate policy, instead of allowing rates to rise after intervening.

The main reason for running out of reserves and currency crises in both Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Latin America is due to sterilizing reserve outflows to maintain a policy rate that is no longer compatible with the balance of payments.

If there is a clean float the last will not happen. While aggressive open market operations will still create high inflation, asset price bubbles and banking crises like in the US, they will no longer trigger currency crises.

However, under an IMF program a clean float is not possible. There are net international reserve targets in an IMF program. IMF loans have to be repaid, as a result exchange rate policy – transparent or discretionary – is a practical necessity.

Therefore, exchange rate policy is needed to build reserves. The IMF program itself is likely to have conflicting money and exchange rate performance criteria as in the last one.

There is likely to be a monetary policy consultation clause involving a domestic anchor conflicting with the NIR target.

It must be noted that exchange rate policy and the monetary policy consultation clause involving high inflation targets led to currency crises within the last two IMF programs.

That is because forex shortages emerge far more quickly under inflationary monetary policy, than the price inflation up in the index.

An exchange rate target only or a clean float will lead to interest rates and inflation around the same levels as the UK, US, Singapore or Hong.

The law has to be gutted to compel the agency to run either monetary policy or exchange rate policy, not both.

Unless the current law is gutted of its conflicting provisions, or its conflicting duties and objectives are removed as soon as Sri Lanka exits the IMF program, Sri Lanka will not be able to avoid currency crises.

The the country is likely to default on its re-structured bonds in under a decades or two Fed cycles with elevated interest rates as in the past.

State owned central banks are the most dangerous government department ever devised, after the military which engages in physical killing, as a consequence they must be subjected to the strictest laws possible not independence or discretion to protect the poor and provide stability so that they can get out of poverty.

It must be noted that elevated interest rates in both Sri Lanka and Latin America and the sovereign default wave also started in the 1980s, with ‘first line of defence style policy.

Sri Lanka needs a single anchor monetary regime to bring interest rates and inflation down to US, UK, EU, Singapore levels and avoid ballooning debt and low growth. This law is not going to cut it. (Colombo/Mar09/2023)

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Water levels rising in Sri Lanka Kalu, Nilwala river basins: Irrigation Department

ECONOMYNEXT – Sri Lanka’s Irrigation Department has issued warnings that water levels in the Kalu and Nilwala river basins are rising and major flooding is possible due to the continuous rain. People living in close proximity are advised to take precautions.

“There is a high possibility of slowly increasing prevailing flood lowline areas of Kiriella, Millaniya, Ingiriya, Horana, Dodangoda, Bulathsinhala, Palinda Nuwara and Madurawala D/S divisions of Ratnapura and Kalutara Districts, up to next 48 hours,” it said issuing a warning.

“In addition, flood situation prevailing at upstream lowline areas of Ratnapura district will further be prevailing with a slight decrease.

“The residents and vehicle drivers running through those area are requested to pay high attention in this regard.

“Disaster Management Authorities are requested to take adequate precautions in this regard.”

The island is in the midst of south western monsoon.

DMC reported that 11,864 people belonging to 3,727 families have been affected due to the weather in Rathnapura, Kegalle, Kilinochchi, Jaffna, Mullaitivu, Kalutara, Gampaha, Colombo, Galle, Matara, Hambantota, Puttalam, Kurunegala, Kandy, Nuwara Eliya, Anuradhapura, Polonnaruwa, Badulla, Moneragala, and Trincomalee districts.

Meanwhile, the Meteorology Department stated that showers are expected on most parts of the island today.(Colombo/June3/2024)

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UNP gen secy defends call for postponing Sri Lanka poll, claims opposition silent

The UNP party headquarters in Pitakotte/EconomyNext

ECONOMYNEXT — United National Party (UNP) General Secretary Palitha Range Bandara has defended his call for postponing Sri Lanka’s presidential election by two years, claiming that his proposal was not undemocratic nor unconstitutional.

Speaking to reporters at the UNP headquarters Monday June 03 morning, Bandara also claimed that neither opposition leader Sajith Premadasa nor National People’s Power (NPP) leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake have spoken against his proposal.

“I have made no statement that’s undemocratic. My statement was in line with provisions of the constitution,” the former UNP parliamentarian said.

He quoted Section 86 of Chapter XIII of the constitution which says: “The President may, subject to the provisions of Article 85, submit to the People by Referendum any matter which in the opinion of the President is of national importance.”

Sections 87.1, 87.2 also elaborates on the matter and describes the parliament’s role, said Bandara.

“I spoke of a referendum and parliament’s duty. Neither of this is antidemocratic or unconstitutional. As per the constitution, priority should be given to ensuring people’s right to life,” he said.

“Some parties may be against what I proposed. They may criticse me. But what I ask them is to come to one position as political parties and make a statement on whether they’re ready to continue the ongoing economic programme,” he added.

Bandara claimed that, though thee has been much criticism of his proposal for a postponement of the presidential election, President Wickremesinghe’s rivals Premadasa and Dissanayake have yet to remark on the matter.

“I suggested that [Premadasa] make this proposal in parliament and for [Dissanayake] to second it. But I don’t see that either Premadasa nor Dissanayake is opposed to it. To date, I have not seen nor heard either of them utter a word against this. I believe they have no objection to my proposal which was made for the betterment of the country,” he said. (Colombo/Jun03/2024)

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Support for AKD drops to SP’s level while RW makes gains, Sri Lanka poll shows

ECONOMYNEXT — Support for leftist candidate Anura Kumara Dissanayake dropped six percentage points to 39 percent in April, levelling with opposition leader Sajith Premadasa, while support for President Ranil Wickremesinghe increased three points to 13 percent in a presidential election voting intent poll.

The Sri Lanka Opinion Tracker Survey (SLOTS) conducted by the Institute for Health Policy showed that, according to its Multilevel Regression and Poststratification (MRP) provisional estimates of presidential election voting intent, National People’s Power (NPP) leader Dissanayake and main opposition Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) lader Premadasa were now neck and neck while United National Party (UNP) leader Wickremesinghe had made some gains. A generic candidate for the ruling Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) had the support of 9 percent of the people surveyed, up 1 percentage point from March.

These estimates use the January 2024 revision of the IHP’s SLOTS MRP model. The latest update is for all adults and uses data from 17,134 interviews conducted from October 2021 to 19 May 2024, including 444 interviews during April 2024. According to the institute, 100 bootstraps were run to capture model uncertainty. Margins of error are assessed as 1–4% for April.

SLOTS polling director and IHP director Ravi Rannan-Eliya was quoted as saying: “The SLOTS polling in April suffered from a lower response rate owing to the New Year holidays, and we think this may have skewed the sample in favour of SJB supporters. The early May interviews partly compensated for this, and it’s possible that our June interviews may result in further revisions
to our model estimates.

Rannan-Eliya also noted that a number of other internet polls may be overestimating support for the NPP or its main constituent party the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) by about 10 percent.

“We’ve been asked about some other recent internet polls that showed much higher levels of support for the NPP/JVP. We think these over-estimate NPP/JVP support. SLOTS routinely collects data from all respondents on whether they have internet access, and whether they are willing to participate in an internet survey. These data show that NPP/JVP supporters are far more likely to have internet access and even more likely to be willing to respond to internet surveys, and this difference remains even after controlling for past voting behaviour. Our data indicates internet polls may overestimate NPP/JVP support by about 10 percent, and for this kind of reason we have previously decided that the time is not right to do internet polling,” he said.

According to the IHP, its SLOTS MRP methodology first estimates the relationship between a wide variety of characteristics about respondents and their opinions – in this case, ‘If there was a Presidential Election today, who would you vote for?’– in a multilevel statistical model that also smooths month to month changes. It then uses a large data file that is calibrated to the national population to predict voting intent in each month since October 2021, according to what the multilevel model says about their probability of voting for various parties (‘post-stratification’) at each point in time. The multilevel model was estimated 100 times to reflect underlying uncertainties in the model and to obtain margins of error, the institute said. (Colombo/Jun03/2024)

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